"We Would Have a Friend in Stacey" — Epstein, the Virgin Islands Machine, and What the Documents Show
How a convicted sex offender stayed politically connected, financially active, and civically normalized in the U.S. Virgin Islands for eleven years after his 2008 conviction — and how the documents reveal not just one delegate's relationship, but the machine that made it possible.
The hearing
On February 27, 2019, as Michael Cohen testified before the House Oversight Committee about Donald Trump's business practices, a convicted sex offender was watching from somewhere outside the hearing room and texting a sitting member of Congress in real time.
The member was Stacey Plaskett, the Virgin Islands' delegate. The sex offender was Jeffrey Epstein. The texts — preserved in three independent corpus records: a phone call-detail extraction (EFTA01612400, 7 pp., timestamps in UTC), an FBI-style forensic message pull (EFTA00783919), and the House Oversight Committee's own production (HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025430, HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025432) — show a documented thread:
Early morning: "He'll talk about his grades." Once the hearing begins, Epstein comments on her appearance: "Great outfit" … "You look great" → "Thanks!" Mid-hearing: "Are you chewing" → "Not any more" → "Chewing interior of my mouth. Bad habit from middle school."
Then the exchange that drew every headline. Epstein: "Hes opened the door to questions re who are the other henchmen at trump org" → Plaskett: "Yup. Very aware and waiting my turn." Then: "Cohen brought up RONA – keeper of the secrets" → "RONA??" → "Quick I'm up next is that an acronym" → "Thats his assistant / Rona."
Plaskett then questioned Cohen about Rhona Graff, Trump's longtime executive assistant. Epstein replied: "Good work."
Timezone resolution. The Washington Post rendered the texts in Pacific time, ABC in Eastern. The corpus settles it: the call-detail record (EFTA01612400) is stamped UTC+0000. "Are you chewing" at 15:41:42 UTC = 10:41 a.m. Eastern (ABC) = 7:41 a.m. Pacific (Post).
Identification caveat. The estate documents released by the House Oversight Committee on Nov. 12, 2025 showed Epstein texting during the hearing but did not on their face name the recipient. The identification came from the Washington Post and ABC News matching timestamps to Plaskett's on-camera movements and her actual questioning of Cohen about Graff. The corpus records (which pair Epstein's and "Self"'s messages) are consistent with that identification. The censure resolution treated the match as established; Plaskett and House Democrats contested the characterization (coaching/collusion) but did not seriously dispute that the exchange occurred.
Those texts became public in November 2025 and powered a failed Republican censure attempt and weeks of cable-news coverage framed around one question: was Plaskett colluding with Epstein?
That is the least interesting question the record answers. The texts were not the beginning of the relationship. They were the moment the machinery showed up, in real time, on C-SPAN. The more important question — the one the corpus actually illuminates — is: how did a man convicted in 2008 of soliciting a minor remain politically connected, financially active, and civically normalized in the U.S. Virgin Islands for another eleven years? And what does the documentary trail show about the machine that made that possible?
Plaskett is the window into that machine. She is not, on the available evidence, its architect.
I. The machine
1999–2018 · ~$300 million in tax benefits
Epstein's primary Virgin Islands entity, Financial Trust Company (FTC), received approximately $219,835,233 in tax benefits between 1999 and 2012 — the figure sourced from the JPMorgan memorandum of law (corpus summary filings at EFTA02814815 and EFTA02815448). His successor entity, Southern Trust Company (STC), received an additional ~$80,576,235 between 2013 and 2018. Some outlets report "$300 million"; others report "$219.8 million." Both are defensible — the difference is whether one counts FTC alone or FTC+STC combined.
The Economic Development Authority (EDA) was the government body that administered these benefits. That is where Stacey Plaskett enters the institutional timeline: she served as general counsel to the EDA from 2007 to 2012, during part of the window in which Epstein's entities were drawing those benefits. This is the most consequential and most contested item on the timeline. Two cautions:
- The phrasing "the EDA granted $219.8M while Plaskett was general counsel" is temporally true but says nothing about her personal role. Plaskett has denied approving any tax rebates for Epstein (Washington Free Beacon, Feb. 2026).
- The corpus confirms the EDC program was under press scrutiny by 2011 — journalist Wayne Barrett pressed pointed questions about Epstein's residency and benefits (EFTA00640384) — but those questions were directed at the Governor's office, not Plaskett. The Free Beacon cites meeting notes stating Plaskett "fielded requests in prior circumstances" and would "redact" and respond only to written questions, but these notes do not appear in the EFTA corpus and cannot be independently verified here.
The engine: Cecile de Jongh
The person who made Epstein's political operation function was not Plaskett. It was Cecile de Jongh — the sitting First Lady of the Virgin Islands, who simultaneously served as the paid office manager of Epstein's local companies. She straddled government and Epstein's private operation: routing donations, managing his local entities, certifying his residency, and coaching him on which contributions to handle carefully.
June 30, 2009 · The residency certification
While Epstein was incarcerated in a Florida jail for soliciting a minor, de Jongh signed a certification attesting that he was a "bona fide resident" of the Virgin Islands — a document tied to Financial Trust Company's EDC benefits (EFTA02814836, p. 12; filing summary at EFTA02815448, p. 79).
One signed page contains the entire transaction. Officials were willing to attest to legal fictions to keep the tax benefits flowing. The money was the prize. The politicians were the maintenance cost.
II. The investment
2012 · The introduction
In her May 9, 2023 deposition, Plaskett testified she met Epstein in person for the first time during her 2012 campaign, introduced by attorney Erika Kellerhals as a potential donor (EFTA02807627). Kellerhals — to whom Epstein planned to bequeath $2 million in his will — is the connective tissue: Plaskett worked at Kellerhals Ferguson Kroblin PLLC in 2013–2014, when Epstein was a firm client (Lee Fang, June 2023; Free Beacon, Feb. 2026). She testified she performed no work for Epstein or his businesses, but confirmed he was a client during her time there.
That is the architecture of how Epstein's political investments began: a law firm where he was a client introduced a candidate to him as a donor. Before Plaskett had won anything, her career was already being routed through Epstein's network.
June 19, 2014 · "We would have a friend in Stacey"
Cecile de Jongh emailed Epstein under the subject "Confidential" (EFTA00640324; near-duplicate EFTA01917563). Its operative lines: his "help is needed" to elect Plaskett; her primary opponent Shawn Malone "is nasty and needs to be defeated"; and the phrase that captures the entire operation — "we would have a friend in Stacey."
Epstein responded by having several employees contribute $10,400. A precision note: in the JPMorgan litigation the email is logged as JPMC Ex. 210 (per the corpus filing at EFTA02815448); WTJX's "Exhibit 13" appears to be the VI-government exhibit number from a different filing in the same matter.
August 2014 · The scheduling thread and the primary win
The corpus contains the logistical email chain around an Aug. 15, 2014 meeting — Kellerhals, Plaskett, de Jongh's office, and Epstein's people fixing a time at "STC" after the meeting was moved from Epstein's residence (EFTA00364326, EFTA00365419, EFTA00364305, EFTA00364315). This was not a one-off contact. It was an organized sequence of introduction, solicitation, and arranged meetings, visible in contemporaneous primary documents.
On August 2, 2014, Plaskett won the Democratic primary by 735 votes (WTJX; Lee Fang reports 737). That matters because the donor effort was not abstract. It occurred in a close race, and the investment paid off.
The Mapp parallel
Epstein was not cultivating one politician. He was cultivating the territory's political class. The corpus independently corroborates that Epstein simultaneously cultivated Governor Kenneth Mapp: an Oct. 25, 2016 Google Calendar invite from Epstein ("[email protected]") to "mapp" (EFTA01739284), and sworn deposition testimony referencing a September 2016 Epstein email asking that a $75,000 check be prepared for Mapp's Super PAC (EFTA02813497, p. 62). The House Oversight Committee's Comer letter later cited Epstein's "continued communication with Plaskett and Mapp."
III. The donor cloud
The deposition table
In Plaskett's May 9, 2023 deposition (EFTA02807627; related segments EFTA02815040, EFTA02812412, EFTA02813483), the campaign-finance figures were confirmed verbatim:
| Donor | Amount | As characterized in the deposition |
|---|---|---|
| Epstein (personally) | $8,100 | "lifetime total to your campaigns for the 2014 through 2020 campaign cycles" |
| Darren Indyke | $10,700 | the person who "presented on behalf of FTC, seeking… extension of tax breaks" |
| Richard Kahn | $10,700 | "also associated with Mr. Epstein" |
| Lesley Groff | $2,600 | Epstein's executive assistant |
| Bella Klein | $2,600 | "Darren Indyke's administrative assistant" |
Combined: more than $30,000 from Epstein and four people in his inner administrative and financial apparatus. The point is not that $30,000 buys Congress. It is that Epstein's office ecology — his lawyer, his accountant, his executive assistant, his lawyer's assistant — participated as a unit in political support. A corpus-preserved report on Indyke and Kahn (EFTA01654937) independently documents Kahn's donations to Plaskett across 2014, 2016, and 2018, and places both men as co-executors of the Epstein estate.
2016 · Bidirectional activity
WTJX records two Epstein donations totaling $5,400 on Aug. 2, 2016. The corpus shows the relationship was active in both directions that year: a November 2016 email in which Plaskett relays, via de Jongh, a conversation with Epstein about "his support for the Dem Party" (EFTA01737944), and a November 2016 campaign blast from Plaskett's account to an Epstein address (EFTA01784639).
July 2018 · The schedule items
The corpus contains Epstein-side records showing Plaskett was not an incidental contact but a recurring item in his scheduling stream:
- A July 19, 2018 schedule email with a reminder for a "Reception in honor of Congresswoman Stacey Plaskett in NY" from 3:00 to 5:00 p.m. (EFTA01006168).
These are not Plaskett's records or litigation summaries. They are entries from Epstein's own calendar and scheduling system, showing that Plaskett-related political activity was embedded in his operational routine.
September 2018 · The New York townhouse and the DCCC
Plaskett testified she traveled to Epstein's Manhattan home to discuss VI and national politics and campaign contributions (EFTA02807627). The JPMorgan filing frames it bluntly: Epstein's donations "bought him easy access." This visit is legally pivotal — it is the personal-jurisdiction hook that later kept Plaskett in the Jane Doe suit after every other defendant was dismissed.
The DCCC solicitation clarifies a widely mischaracterized episode. The JPMorgan filing states Plaskett solicited $13,000 for the VI Democratic Party (de Jongh's request logged as Ex. 208, summarized at EFTA02814815) and that Epstein attempted to give $30,000 to the DCCC to assist her — money the DCCC rejected for failing its vetting. The later White House line that she "solicited (and was given) $30,000 from Epstein" for the DCCC elides that the DCCC piece was attempted and refused. That is a material correction to the political characterization.
What she said she knew
St. Thomas Source, relying on partial deposition materials, reports that Plaskett said she had heard Epstein traveled to the Virgin Islands with young women, but did not recall whether she heard that before or after the September 2018 meeting. She also testified she never met Epstein at Little St. James.
In June 2023, Plaskett told WTJX-FM she wished she had not taken Epstein's contributions and said she had not been aware of the nature of the charges when he first contributed. In September 2023, she told the Virgin Islands Consortium she knew Epstein had been convicted of "something" but argued the full extent of his crimes was not evident at the time and that he still appeared to have legitimate business activity.
The distinction between knowing about a 2008 conviction and knowing about the trafficking enterprise may be legally meaningful. Politically, it narrows sharply after Julie K. Brown's "Perversion of Justice" series ran in the Miami Herald on November 28, 2018 — three months before the Cohen-hearing texts.
IV. The peak
February 27, 2019 · The texts in full context
The hearing-day exchange, detailed in the opening section, did not happen in isolation. It was the terminal event in a documented sequence: introduction (2012), fundraising email (2014), employee donations (2014), meetings and scheduling (2014–2018), personal donations (2016–2018), townhouse meeting (September 2018), DCCC solicitation (2018). By the time Epstein texted "Good work", the relationship was seven years old and financially entangled.
Read as character rather than conspiracy, the texts reveal something more human and ultimately more devastating than a covert handler relationship. Strip the censure framing and what you have is a lonely, controlling man performing relevance: complimenting her outfit, feeding her one genuinely useful lead about Rhona Graff, then — over subsequent exchanges — dissecting financial exhibits, critiquing her technique, and sending her a New York Times op-ed about himself. The "Good work" is not sinister. It is pathetic. It is a man who used money to feel like a kingmaker, texting his investment. The banality is the story: that is what capture looks like from the inside — not a cabal, but a convicted predator who felt entitled to coach a sitting member of Congress through a televised hearing, and a political culture comfortable enough with him that she texted back about chewing her cheek.
May 15, 2019 · The last meeting
Less than two months before Epstein's federal arrest, Kellerhals arranged a meeting between Plaskett and Epstein at Southern Trust Company for Friday, May 17, at 10 a.m. — Plaskett arriving in St. Thomas that morning and due at the University by noon (EFTA00494836, EFTA00494822, EFTA00494834). This corroborates, from primary documents, the Free Beacon's later reporting of a May 2019 meeting. (A reported January 2019 meeting remains uncorroborated in the corpus.)
That means the last documented meeting arrangement between Plaskett and Epstein was 50 days before his federal arrest. Kellerhals was still the intermediary. Southern Trust was still the venue. The system was still running.
V. The reckoning — and the one who fought back
July 6–9, 2019 · Arrest and the donation pivot
Epstein was arrested on federal sex-trafficking and conspiracy charges. On July 8, Plaskett spokesman Mike McQuerry told CNBC he was "pretty sure" she would not return the donation. On July 9 — one day later — Plaskett announced she would donate an amount equal to Epstein's contributions to VI women's and children's organizations. The 24-hour shift from "won't return" to "will donate-equivalent" is documented and tonally significant.
August 10, 2019 · Epstein's death
Ruled a suicide in his Manhattan cell.
January 2020 – December 2022 · Denise George and the estate
On January 15, 2020, Virgin Islands Attorney General Denise George sued the Epstein Estate, co-executors Darren Indyke and Richard Kahn, and ten Epstein entities under anti-criminal enterprise, sex-trafficking, child exploitation, and fraud statutes, alleging a conspiracy that trafficked and abused victims on Little St. James.
The case settled for $105 million in cash plus half the proceeds from the sale of Little St. James, plus $450,000 in environmental remediation for Great St. James. The settlement was announced on December 1, 2022 (USVI DOJ press release). That date is load-bearing: it places the settlement, the JPMorgan filing, and the firing of the attorney general all inside a four-week window.
December 27, 2022 · George sues JPMorgan
George escalated. She filed suit against JPMorgan Chase, alleging the bank enabled Epstein's network by ignoring red flags and processing suspicious transactions.
December 31, 2022 · George is fired
Four days after suing JPMorgan, Governor Albert Bryan terminated George. According to reporting, she found out on New Year's Eve when Bryan's security detail delivered a letter of termination (St. Thomas Source, Jan. 1, 2023; AP via PBS, Jan. 3, 2023; George's own account, Sep. 2023). Bryan offered no detailed public explanation at the time.
Context makes the timing corrosive. Bryan had served as chairman of the EDA board — the body that administered Epstein's tax benefits — and signed benefit certificates in that capacity (St. Thomas Source, Sep. 2023). He was himself later deposed in the JPMorgan case. An FBI memo surfaced in January 2026 in which George alleged Bryan had pressured her to grant Epstein a waiver from sex-offender travel-reporting rules, initially told her to pursue the estate case ("He's dead go for it"), then reversed course and pressured her to settle for $80 million, telling her: "originally when I said go ahead I didn't think it was going to go this far. I can't get you to let this go?"
The George arc and why it matters. The one prosecutor who tried to hold the machine accountable was fired — on New Year's Eve — by the governor who had been part of the apparatus that built it. She had just won the largest monetary settlement in Virgin Islands history. She was terminated days after escalating to JPMorgan. The George/Bryan episode is covered primarily by external reporting, not corpus-confirmed documents. It is included here because it is the structural context that makes the rest of the timeline intelligible: this is what happened when someone pushed back.
May 9, 2023 · The deposition
Plaskett's deposition in the JPMorgan case (EFTA02807627, filed as Document 158-10) is the documentary engine of this entire timeline. She confirmed: the 2012 introduction, multiple meetings or calls from 2012 to 2018, the September 2018 NYC meeting, the donor list totals, the DCCC solicitation and its rejection, and that Epstein never asked her for anything in return. She testified she never met Epstein at Little St. James.
September 2023 · JPMorgan settles
JPMorgan settled for $75 million — with the successor AG, not George.
November 2023 – September 2025 · The Jane Doe suit
Six women sued current and former VI officials — including Plaskett, former Governors de Jongh and Mapp, former AG Frazer, and former senators White and Dowe — alleging they made the territory a safe haven for Epstein.
Outcome — essential for fairness. Judge Arun Subramanian dismissed the RICO and official-capacity claims against Plaskett, dismissed all claims against every other defendant, and let only individual-capacity claims against Plaskett proceed — on the narrow ground that her New York townhouse visit gave New York courts personal jurisdiction over her specifically. In July 2024, Plaskett filed an aggressive sanctions motion calling the allegations false and misrepresented, seeking penalties against the plaintiff's attorney. The parties then stipulated dismissal with prejudice, and the court closed the case on Sept. 23, 2025. The suit against her ended with no finding of liability and cannot be refiled. Any version of this timeline that omits the with-prejudice dismissal would be materially unfair.
November 12–19, 2025 · The firestorm
House Oversight released estate materials Nov. 12, including the hearing-day text logs. The Washington Post broke the timestamp match Nov. 14.
- Nov. 17: The White House published "Where Is Democrats' Transparency on Epstein?", pressing the DCCC-$30,000 and "friend in Stacey" points. (As documented above, the DCCC figure is more precisely "attempted and refused.")
- Nov. 18: Republicans introduced H.Res.888 to censure Plaskett and strip her from the Intelligence Committee.
- Nov. 18: Rep. James Comer requested Epstein-related documents from VI AG Gordon Rhea.
- The vote: The censure failed 209–214, with three Republicans crossing over and three voting "present" (ABC; CNN). Per Axios, the crossovers were linked to a deal to spare Rep. Cory Mills a parallel censure. Plaskett kept her Intelligence seat.
Plaskett's defense, stated fairly: Epstein was a constituent; she received "innumerable" texts during the hearing from staff, constituents, and the public, Epstein among them; she does not need questioning advice "from any individual"; the censure was "rooted in partisanship, not facts" and a distraction from releasing the Epstein files, which she says she has supported in full. Democrats noted the released documents did not on their face name the recipient. Plaskett appeared on CNN's The Situation Room on November 19, declining to directly answer whether she regretted the texts and saying she was "moving forward" (WTJX).
The Epstein Files Transparency Act — the statute that produced this corpus — passed the same week. Plaskett is reportedly weighing a run for VI governor.
VI. The character map
This is not a story about two people. It is a story about a network. The documents reveal distinct roles:
Corroboration scorecard
| Claim | Corpus status | Best citation |
|---|---|---|
| "Friend in Stacey" email (June 19, 2014) | Confirmed, primary doc | EFTA00640324 |
| Employee donations ~$10,400 | Confirmed (filing + deposition) | EFTA02814815 |
| Epstein personal total $8,100 | Confirmed, sworn deposition | EFTA02807627 |
| Indyke / Kahn $10,700 each | Confirmed, sworn deposition | EFTA02807627 |
| Groff / Klein $2,600 each | Confirmed, sworn deposition | EFTA02807627 |
| Feb. 27, 2019 texts | Confirmed, three independent records | EFTA01612400 · EFTA00783919 · HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025430 |
| Sept. 2018 NY townhouse meeting | Confirmed (deposition + filing) | EFTA02807627 |
| May 2019 Southern Trust meeting | Confirmed | EFTA00494836 |
| "Bona fide resident" certification (2009) | Confirmed, primary doc | EFTA02814836 |
| Mapp Nov. 2016 / Super PAC tie | Confirmed (calendar + deposition) | EFTA01739284 · EFTA02813497 |
| $219.8M FTC tax benefits | Confirmed via filing | EFTA02815448 |
| July 2018 reception in Epstein schedule | Confirmed, corpus supplement | EFTA01006168 |
| Jane Doe suit dismissed w/ prejudice | Confirmed (public docket) | VI Daily News |
| Censure failed 209–214 | Confirmed | Congress.gov, ABC, CNN |
| Barrett "records request to Plaskett" | Not supported — directed at Governor | EFTA00640384 |
| Jan. 2019 Southern Trust meeting | Unconfirmed in corpus | Free Beacon only |
| Estate settlement: Dec. 1, 2022 | Confirmed | USVI DOJ press release |
| George fired after JPMorgan suit | External reporting | St. Thomas Source, AP via PBS |
| Bryan pressured George (FBI memo) | External reporting | St. Thomas Source, Jan. 2026 |
Open items
- May 2017 meeting lead — a corpus search surfaced a snippet involving Plaskett and the phrase "Noon tomorrow is great" around May 2017. Document ID unresolved. Should be one of the first items verified in the next pass.
- January 2019 Southern Trust meeting — asserted by the Free Beacon; no corpus corroboration located. Significant if confirmed: it would place Plaskett meeting Epstein two months after the Miami Herald series.
- 2018 fundraiser logistics emails — one AI instance cited EFTA02252048, EFTA00498953, EFTA00478205, EFTA00478220 for a Bloomberg-invite fundraiser chain showing wiring instructions and "Virgin Islands for Plaskett" payee discussions. These IDs need independent corpus verification before citation.
- Additional August 2014 scheduling IDs — EFTA01806015 and EFTA02099071 were cited for the August 2014 meeting thread by one AI instance alongside confirmed IDs. Need verification.
- FEC audit — every Epstein/Indyke/Kahn/Groff/Klein donation should be audited against FEC filings for refunds, redesignations, or additional contributions not captured in the deposition table.
- George/Bryan primary documents — the FBI memo, the firing letter, and Bryan's deposition in the JPMorgan case would elevate the George arc from external reporting to documented fact. The Free Beacon and CNN reporting is specific enough to locate these.
- "11:11 p.m." Jerome Murray text — the September 2018 text to Plaskett's chief of staff is referenced in the deposition but not yet isolated as a discrete corpus record.
- EDA strategy session, September 2011 — external-only; no corpus document located.
- House Ethics follow-up — did the Ethics Committee take any action after both the censure and the referral motion failed?
The fairness note
The strongest, cleanest story here is documented and narrow:
A sitting delegate had a years-long, financially entangled, personally sustained relationship with a man who was a convicted sex offender for the entire back half of it, and exchanged real-time texts with him during a nationally televised hearing while he fed her a question. That relationship existed inside a broader system in which a convicted predator's money bought tax benefits, political access, and civic normalization across the Virgin Islands' government for two decades.
That is fully supported. What is not supported — and what the dismissed civil suit, the failed censure, and the absence of any criminal charge all underline — is the leap from that relationship to participation in or knowledge of Epstein's trafficking. The report is most credible, and most defensible, when it states the documented facts plainly and refuses to make that leap for the reader.
The real story is not whether Plaskett colluded. It is how a man bought a territory — with de Jongh as the inside operator, the residency certification as the smoking gun, the ~$300M as the payoff, the fired AG as the enforcement tragedy, and Plaskett as the human window into how that political machinery maintained itself long after the 2008 conviction should have shut it down.
Source key
Primary documents (EFTA corpus — each links to the document viewer with page images):
EFTA00640324,
EFTA01917563,
EFTA02807627,
EFTA02814815,
EFTA02815448,
EFTA01612400,
EFTA00783919,
HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025430,
HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025432,
EFTA01739284,
EFTA02813497,
EFTA01737944,
EFTA01784639,
EFTA00364305,
EFTA00364315,
EFTA00364326,
EFTA00365419,
EFTA02815040,
EFTA02812412,
EFTA02813483,
EFTA00494836,
EFTA00494822,
EFTA00494834,
EFTA02814836,
EFTA00640384,
EFTA01006168,
EFTA01654937.
External reporting:
WTJX NewsFeed (Tom Eader, Nov. 22, 2025);
Washington Post (Nov. 14, 2025);
ABC News (Nov. 19, 2025);
CNN (Nov. 19, 2025);
Axios (Nov. 18, 2025);
Congress.gov H.Res.888;
Washington Free Beacon (Chuck Ross, Feb. 2026);
St. Thomas Source — FBI memo (Jan. 30, 2026);
St. Thomas Source — George firing (Jan. 1, 2023);
St. Thomas Source — George interview (Sep. 25, 2023);
St. Thomas Source — deposition (June 2023);
Lee Fang (June 27, 2023);
CNBC — "pretty sure" (July 8, 2019);
CNBC — reversal (July 9, 2019);
AP via PBS — George fired (Jan. 3, 2023);
USVI DOJ — settlement (Dec. 1, 2022);
VI Daily News — Jane Doe suit;
Black Star News (Mar. 2026);
Tax Notes / JPMorgan memorandum; Reuters.