legacy of the Iranian revolution that established a state rooted in religion. Now, nearly four decades old, the Revolutionary Guard’s rise to power remains the catalyst for Islamic sectarian division today, releasing forces of fury once confined first by Ottoman rule and then by US dominance in the region. The threat to Arab nations and the West that ensued is the same as that led by the Ottomans: the spread of a radical Islamic caliphate based on religion, not country. In Iran, this is credo is championed by the Revolutionary Guard and an Ayatollah who lectures two billion Muslims that he is an infallible ruler directly responsible to God. US diplomats are faced with an impossible balancing act: limiting nuclear proliferation and, at the same time, firmly standing against the religious intolerance fanning Islamic terrorism. The outbreak of these historically opposing forces, compounded by declining oil prices, is heightening the ferment. The Arab World’s best hope is the rise of a new generation in government. In the UAE, Qatar and Saudi Arabia, brilliant young leaders are crafting forward-looking policies to effectively forge a new Middle East. American foreign policy must persuade these bold visionaries to lean West rather than East. This endeavor will not simply benefit the nations they lead. It’s the most effective strategy to safeguard America’s interests. By supporting their anti-terrorism platforms abroad, America enhances its anti-terrorism policies at home. Like Asian rulers who launched the Tiger Economies of the mid to late 20th century, these new Arab leaders are searching for policies aimed at economic and educational development. Those policies are designed to reduce internal tensions and secure their countries’ rightful place in a future dominated by global trade. The fate of America’s Middle Eastern allies, as well as its own foreign policy interests, hinges on HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031720