/ BARAK / 72 this saga.” I told the President that I still believed that we were facing a “moment of truth.” But only if he could “shake” Arafat, and get him to sense the enormity of the stakes — an independent Palestinian state, versus more, and undoubtedly deadlier, violence. And if it did come to armed conflict? “When the people of Israel will understand how far we were ready to go, we will have the power to stand together, unified, in such a struggle, however tough it will become, even if we will be forced to confront the entire world. There is no power in the world that can force on us collective national suicide. Peace will be achieved only if there is a willingness to negotiate on both sides. I am sure the people of Israel, and the American people, will understand it when the details will be revealed.” Clinton had already left for Arafat’s cabin by the time Danny Yatom went to deliver the letter. But the President, too, was in a more sober and downbeat mood by the time that meeting was over. Late that night when, having now read my note, he joined me on the balcony of Dogwood. He looked exhausted. “It was the toughest meeting I’ve ever had with Arafat,” he said. Clinton said he had told the Palestinian leader that only one side, the Israelis, had so far been negotiating in good faith. If Arafat was not prepared to make a genuine effort to reach an agreement, then there was no choice but for all of us to go home. Now, it seemed, both the President and I were left to wait and see what, if anything, Arafat came up with in reply. “T’ve been through battles, and danger, in my life,” I said. “But in terms of my responsibility, today, for me as well, was probably the toughest. Shlomo and Gili went beyond what I could live with. If this offer can’t move him, then I believe we are left to prepare for war.” I told the President he didn’t even need to phone me after hearing from Arafat if all he offered was some clever half-reply. Only if it was serious and substanti