HOUSE OVERSIGHT 026479 I sought to bolster Mrs. Clinton's electoral chances and, if the unthinkable happened, obtain an insurance policy to cripple the Trump administration with accusations of illegitimacy. What does this have to do with Mr. Mueller, who was appointed in May 2017 after President Trump fired Mr. Comey? The inspector general concludes that the pervasive bias "cast a cloud over the FBI investigations to which these employees were assigned," including Crossfire. And if Crossfire was politically motivated, then its culmination, the appointment of a special counsel, inherited the taint. All special-counsel activities—investigations, plea deals, subpoenas, reports, indictments and convictions—are fruit of a poisonous tree, byproducts of a violation of due process. That Mr. Mueller and his staff had nothing to do with Crossfire's origin offers no cure. When the government deprives a person of life, liberty or property, it is required to use fundamentally fair processes. The Supreme Court has made clear that when governmental action "shocks the conscience," it violates due process. Such conduct includes investigative or prosecutorial efforts that appear, under the totality of the circumstances, to be motivated by corruption, bias or entrapment. In U.S. v. Russell (1973), the justices observed: "We may someday be presented with a situation in which the conduct of law enforcement agents is so outrageous that due process principles would absolutely bar the government from invoking judicial processes to obtain a conviction." It didn't take long. In Blackledge v. Perry (1974), the court concluded that due process was offended by a prosecutor's "realistic likelihood of 'vindictiveness' " that tainted the "very initiation of proceedings." In Young v. U.S. ex rel. Vuitton (1987), the justices held that because prosecutors have "power to employ the full machinery of the state in scrutinizing any given individual. . . we must have assurance that t