TTERSON | Fittuy Ricu -arances, he could afford it: sev- ek 1, which had offices in Florida, t Rothstein’s millions actually The idea that Bradley. Edwards and Paul Cassell were trying to scheme he'd been running since blackmail Leslie Wexner—blackmail him for one billion dollars, no less—sounds highly improbable. But we do know for a fact dwards joined Rothstein's firm. that Edwards had worked with Rothstein—a man who'd been ; along, and Rothstein showed running his own billion-dollar con. potential investors. In exchange Edwards may not have known that Rothstein was taking his ein said, investors would receive | files on Jeffrey Epstein and showing them to investors. But ‘er, which Epstein would pay in Edwards's proximity to Rothstein didn’t look good. It may not have q been as damaging as Dershowitz’s close friendship with Epstein, i say that Edwards had no knowl- ‘ but it was damaging nonetheless. It gave Dershowitz the opening scheme. (Prosecutors, and the i he needed to make his argument. And the genius of Dershowitz’s - as soon as he caught wind of the q argument was that it wasn’t necessarily predicated on an actual But the few months he spent in 4 "plot to blackmail Wexner. Maybe the thing Edwards was really howitz the opening he neededto | — after was the idea that a lawyer who helped work out Epstein’s usations. a ___ hon-prosecution agreement was also having sex with Virginia Rob- ce, Dershowitz would say, as well e | erts. That would give Edwards leverage in trying to crack the Zoberts added Dershowitz’s name a | agreement open. And in that case, was it so hard to imagine him ad abused her. ~ _spressuring Virginia Roberts to add Dershowitz’s name to the list? ?d been pulled into a billion-dollar . Perhaps it wasn't, in this scenario. Virginia would have still tched. And for Edwards and Cas- ~ q felt reluctant to mention Dershowitz. If she was, there was the -y benefit: Dershowitz had helped a _ tnatter of the three hundred million dollars, and then some