22 MICHAEL WOLFF f SIEGE 23 In the last few weeks, he had helped install his allies—and first-draft non, always enjoying the opportunity to joust with a member of the choices during the presidential transition—in central posts in the Trump F establishment. administration. Mike Pompeo had recently been named secretary of state, Bannon was—or at least saw himself to be—a fixer, power broker John Bolton would soon become the national security advisor, and Larry and kingmaker without portfolio. He was a cockeyed sort of Clark Kudlow had been appointed director of the National Economic Council. Clifford, that political eminence and influence peddler of the 1960s anc The president's chief political aides were Corey Lewandowski and David 70s. Or a wise man of the political fringe, if that was not an ultimate kinc Bossie, both Bannon allies, if not acolytes; both operated outside the of contradiction. Or the head of an auxiliary government. Or, perhaps White House and were frequent visitors at the Embassy. Many of the daily . something truly sui generis: no one quite like Bannon had ever playec stream of White House defenders on cable television—the surrogates— such a central role in America’s national political life, or been such a thort were Bannon people carrying Bannon’s message as well as the president's. in the side of it. As for Trump, with friends like Bannon, who needec What's more, his enemies in the White House were moving out, includ- enemies? ing Hope Hicks, H. R. McMaster, the former national security advisor, The two men might be essential to each other, but they reviled anc and the ever shrinking circle of allies supporting the president’s son-in- ! ridiculed each other, too. Bannon’s constant public analysis of Trump: law and daughter. confounding nature—both its comic and harrowing components, thi Bannon was often on the road. He was in Europe meeting with the | behavior of a crazy uncle—not to mention his indiscreet diatribes o1 rising populist right-wing