from dozens of hereditary principalities, was the ceaseless ping-ping of rail-building and welding and industry. How natural it must have seemed to add the rat-a-tat-tat of a Maxim gun. Crown Prince Wilhelm, the Kaiser's eldest son, wrote that defensive thinking was, “utterly foreign to the German spirit.” Bismarck’s “Iron and Blood” national motto became, finally, personal for many Germans, who were prouder to leave their universities with a hot-red dueling scar on their faces than a subtle ownership of Goethe in their hearts. “During the decades before the First World War,” the political scientist Steven van Evera has observed, “a phenomenon which may be called a ‘cult of the offensive’ swept through Europe.”225 Wars, it was believed, would run with the same swiftness of trains or the new industrial sewing machines or steam-fired printing presses. It was this instinct that led German generals to assure the Kaiser in 1914 that a war begun in August would be finished by Christmas. English university students sprinted to enlistment centers in the days after the war began, worried the fight might end before they tasted blood. French farmers moving from their crops to the trench lines of Flanders, Russian aristocracy crowding towards the Danube, the politicians who led them all - they operated, mostly, with this same conviction. British Foreign Secretary Sir Edward Grey’s mournful meditation on the evening of August 3,1914, the first night of the war, was a lonely one: “The lamps are going out all over Europe,” he said. “We shall not see them lit again in our lifetime.” The First World War was a kind of engineering tragedy. The disaster had deep roots: domestic politics, the insecurity of kings, profound colonial greed. But alsoa fundamental miscalculation about the nature of war and peace in an age of industry. Machine guns - and all the tools of industrial war, from gas to battleships - were not magic tricks of fast victory or permanent peace, as some had thought. A