4.2.12 WC: 191694 concern and interest in the broader community by political activity or volunteer work among the sick or underprivileged; and whether he had manifested leadership, industry, perseverance, self-discipline and intense motivation. Moreover, if petitioner were to conclude that the medical profession as presently composed fails to serve the disadvantaged elements in society, then it could also consider whether applicants for admission, irrespective of race or ethnicity, manifest a genuine commitment to serve those groups currently lacking adequate service. Indeed, it could expressly offer special consideration in the admissions process to those who enter into a binding commitment to serve for a specified period in an urban ghetto, barrio or Indian reservation. All of these procedures would result in greater educational opportunities for members of our society's historically deprived minorities, as well as other applicants who are economically and culturally deprived; none of them would offend the Constitution. But what the school may not do, we submit, is to classify applicants for admission on the basis of race or ethnicity and so structure its selection process as to admit an essentially predetermined proportion of members of certain groups. The Supreme Court’s decision in Bakke accepted our argument against the sort of racial quotas employed by the medical school at issue, but it approved affirmative action programs, such as the one used by Harvard College, that vested enormous discretion in the Admissions Committee. A five person majority ruled that the type of admissions program used by Davis Medical School did not pass constitutional muster, while the type used by Harvard College does. Justice Powell, whose opinion contained the judgment of the Court, expressly singled out Harvard College for approval. He quoted extensively from the description of the Harvard program contained in the amicus curiae brief submitted by Harvard, Columbia, Stanford and