4.2.12 WC: 191694 provide him with classified material. I do not know this to be a fact, but I have been told by several experienced investigative reporters that this is how it is done—that without some encouragement and promises of confidentiality and positive portrayal of the source, the leaks “dry up.” When I read books by these authors, I can often surmise who at least some of the sources are: they’re usually the ones who are portrayed positively in other parts of the book—dquid pro quo! In other words, authors like Seymour Hirsh not only report the classified information given to them by sources, they develop, encourage, and in other ways facilitate the continuing flow of information—information which they know is classified and hence being illegally turned over to them—from their “criminal” sources. An important difference is that Hirsh has a political agenda: he publishes only information that serves that agenda. Assange, on the other hand, seems willing to publish material equally critical of all governments. For engaging in such journalism, Hirsh wins Pulitzer Prizes, gets invited to White House dinners and to lecture at schools of journalism which teach these methods. Woodward is different in some respects and similar in others. Whereas Hirsh’s sources tend to be beauracratic dissidents, Woodward relies on high ranking members of the administration who want their “spin” on the story he is publishing to a very wide audience. Some of those politicians may be authorized to disclose the material, but certainly some are not, and much of the material is classified (though it probably shouldn’t be). Both authors recognize the reality that many, if not most “state” secrets are designed not to protect the security of the nation, but rather to protect (and enhance) the reputations of the incumbent officials. In this regard, I recall a joke that made the rounds of the Soviet dissident community when I represented several of them in the 1970s. It is set during the per