4.2.12 WC: 191694 directed against general bookstores. We remember that boycotts had been employed widely during the McCarthy period. The threat to boycott motion-picture studios and television stations that employed “red,” “pink,” or “suspect” actors, directors, or technicians, led to the notorious “black lists” and “red channels.” In an interview with Playboy magazine, I had expressed some of those concerns: “Take what [some of these] women are now doing and ask yourself the question. Would you favor it if their objection were to books about atheism or communism instead of pornography? If you would say no, then it seems to me that you can’t be in favor of a boycott against stores that sell Playboy and Penthouse, because they’re equally protected. The dispute between civil libertarians and feminists had split the ranks of some liberals, and the issue was achieving some notoriety in the media. I had, perhaps, added some fuel to the fire by my criticism of the “new feminist censors” in several articles and speeches. I did not deny that some pornography could be degrading to women, but I argued that it is precisely the function of the First Amendment to protect those whose speech offends and degrades. I pointed out that some of the most vocal opponents of pornography inadvertently provided the most compelling arguments for its constitutional protection by characterizing it as “Fascist propaganda.” (The Fascists, not surprisingly, used to call it “Communist propaganda.”) All propaganda is within the central core of the First Amendment. Nor did I dispute the claim that some pornography may contribute to an atmosphere of violence against women. But speech often causes undesirable consequences—political violence, riots, even revolutions. That should not, I argued, be a reason for suppressing speech itself. Some radical feminists went beyond boycotts, shooting bullets through a bookstore window in Harvard Square to protest its sale of Playboy Magazine. Some theaters sh