Page 41 of 42 103 Minn. L. Rev. 844, *913 26 See supra note 224 (citing state statutes in Florida and Wisconsin that encourage or mandate local prosecutors to adopt policies that improve enforcement). 27 Gershowitz, supra note 219. 28 On domestic violence and rape offenses, see Gruber, supra note 221, at 752-63 (recounting the feminist movement's efforts to reform domestic violence and rape prosecution law and policies); id. at 760 & n.90 (citing statutes that require prosecutors to adopt "pro- prosecution" policies for domestic violence); id. at 763-74 (describing the history of victim rights' movement); Sack, supra note 220, at 1666, 1689-90 (2004) (describing the women's movement as focused on domestic violence since the 1960s and arguing that mandatory prosecution policies are necessary for police and prosecutors to make the "right choices"); Christine O'Connor, Note, Domestic Violence No-Contact Orders and the Autonomy Rights of Victims, 40 B.C. LE. Rev. 937, 942-43 (1999) (arguing that prosecutors’ view of domestic violence as a private problem contributed to reluctance to prosecute). On drunk-driving law and policy, see Gershowitz, supra note 219 (describing efforts by MADD and other groups to toughen laws and enforcement efforts against drunk driving and summarizing subsequent law reform). 229 See supra note 228. 20 Cf. Long & Wilkinson, supra note 186, at 1 (explaining that specialized prosecution units provide prosecutors with the opportunity to work with "community partners"). 231 See, e.g., Jeffrey Ulmer & Christopher Bader, Do Moral Communities Play a Role in Criminal Sentencing? Evidence from Pennsylvania, 49 Soc. Q. 737, 753, 757 (2008) (finding in county-level data that "Christian religious homogeneity" increases the likelihood of incarceration, especially when Christian denominations are civically engaged, partially through the effect of local Republican Party dominance via the election of judges and prosecutors). 232 Gershowitz, supra note 219. 233